By Marcelo Svirsky
Controversially, Svirsky argues that the Zionist political undertaking can't be mounted - it really is one who negatively impacts the lives of its beneficiaries in addition to of its sufferers. in its place, the booklet goals to generate a reflective perspective, permitting Jewish-Israelis to discover how they could divest themselves of Zionist identities via attractive with dissident rationalities, practices and institutions.
Ultimately, the creation of army and know-how that is helping Israel regulate the lives of Palestinians, of separate guidelines, legislation and areas for Jews and Palestinians, are all associated with the construction of Zionist subjectivities and modes of being. Overcoming those modes of being is to after Israel.
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Additional resources for After Israel: Towards Cultural Transformation
100, my translation). It is in terms of this racialised inclusion that we should understand both the ‘cultural massacre’ perpetrated on the oriental Jews by white Zionists (Shohat 1988: 32) and the racial division of labour that originated during the 1950s, thanks to which the strength of the Ashkenazim was constituted at the expense of the Mizrahim (Swirski 1981; Swirski and Bernstein 1993; see also the Adva Center’s reports). My intention is to take account of these various, and other, differentiations, to help build the after.
In the historical production of Jewish-Israeli society, civil thought and civic virtues have been placed in such a sacred zone, but a zone sacred not in the sense of being an object of religious devotion or veneration; it is, rather, sacred in the sense that, in Jewish-Israeli society, civil thought is untouchable, unreachable, divinely inaccessible in everyday life. In the best interests of a nationalist and exclusivist society, civil perspectives have been removed from the potentialities of life, and unless significant efforts are made, their scarcity continues to define the subjectivities of Jewish-Israelis.
In that light almost any action against any ‘enemy’ can be justified. What appears to have been learned is that it would even be better to support an authoritarian, totalitarian police state than to side with the victims of its injustices, or, put even moreÂ� Â�brutally, that it is better to be on the side of the persecutors than the persecuted as if this were the only alternative one had (1990:Â€ix). More than half a century after the events, it is safe to claim that the memory of the holocaust has played, and continues to play, a central role in justifying the omnipresence of military logic as the ‘[one alternative] single option’ society must follow.
After Israel: Towards Cultural Transformation by Marcelo Svirsky